JANUARY 2008 : (C)IRA TRIBUTE TO DAN KEATING .

In an action that Dan himself would have appreciated , armed Irish Republican Volunteers paid a fitting tribute to life-long Irish Republican Dan Keating, who died at the grand age of 105 on October 2nd ,2007. As stated before , the authors of this blog met Dan on many an occasion and always found the man inspirational. His loss to Irish Republicanism is still being felt , but the legacy he left with us is closely nurtured and will be passed-on to future generations .
Ni seoinini sinn go leir!
(Dan’s history and a tribute to the man can be read here and here.)

(Unrelated Comment : Once again, we have ‘got our foot in the door’ : thanks to whoever it was ‘out there’ who put us forward for nomination - much appreciated ! Now we have to find a ‘Blog Awards Judge’ to bribe . Or a couple of them….!)

THE CATHOLIC HIERARCHY - PROPPING-UP THE ORANGE STATE……..
At a press briefing on May 3rd, 1983, Bishop Cathal Daly declared that a vote for Sinn Fein was ‘a wasted vote’ , and that people should think seriously before risking being seen as ’supporting violence’ . As polling day approached , the rising crescendo of calls from Bishop Daly and other members of the Catholic hierarchy became increasingly explicit in their support for the SDLP. Against the background of this intervention into the arena of nationalist party politics , Patricia Collins sketches the role played by the leadership of the Catholic Church over the past fourteen years against nationalist resistance .
From ‘IRIS’ magazine , July 1983.

After years of Bishop William Philbin’s obtuse conservatism , Bishop Cahal Daly, it was expected , would be welcomed as a breath of fresh air . Fr Des Wilson was re-installed in his priestly faculties , while some of the most prominent ‘Bishop Philbin’s men’ were removed , including Fr Toner , who had played an infamous role in trying to demoralise the hunger-strikers.

Four days after the succession of Bishop Daly to the diocese of Down and Connor , the election results - especially in West Belfast and Fermanagh/South Tyrone where Sinn Fein topped the poll - came as a reminder to the Catholic hierarchy of the extent of support for those they called ‘the men of violence’ . The Church attempted desperately to rationalise the result in two ways : firstly , they implied that Sinn Fein had conned some voters by playing down its support for the armed struggle (’1169…’ Comment - ….which the Provisionals now deem as ‘ unnecessary ‘ , as is to be expected : the armed campaign seeks to change the state structures of the Six County area , a structure which the Provisionals are now salaried to maintain !) , ignoring the reality that the media had focussed exclusively throughout the campaign on the theme of ‘the armalite and the ballot box’ .

Secondly , the Church tried to explain the 64,000 people who voted for Sinn Fein in the same way as the SDLP, saying that economic deprivation pushes idle and frustrated young people ‘into the hands of the paramilitaries’. The Church was struggling to make up lost ground : while Cardinal Thomas O Fiaich and Dr Edward Daly, Bishop of Derry , issued token statements protesting against strip searches of prisoners and ’security forces excesses’ , and Bishop Cahal Daly gave no less than eight major political addresses or interviews in his first seven months of office . His inaugural address had provided the code words - ‘turn away from the men of violence’ (the IRA) and ’support the men of vision’ (the SDLP) . (’1169…’ Comment : today that ‘code’ would read (the RSF organisation) and (Provisional Sinn Fein) respectively…)
(MORE LATER).

THE POLITICS OF REPRESSION …….

Repression is not just bullets and the kick on the door at dawn. Repression is an integrated imperialist policy to deal with a risen people which encompasses all facets of social and political life.
From ‘IRIS’ magazine , July/August 1982.

In key areas such as employment , discrimination against nationalists remains at least as bad as was ever the case under the pre-1969 unionist administrations . The six-county statelet is in economic ruin . British troops are still being killed . The murderous use of plastic bullets has again raised international revulsion at Britain’s repressive role in Ireland .

And the current British ‘Direct Ruler’, James Prior, faces an uphill task as he strives to foist another doomed political ‘initiative’ on the North of Ireland.

[END of ‘THE POLITICS OF REPRESSION’]
(Next - ‘Ballymurphy Interview’ : from 1982)

REPUBLICAN MOURNERS DEFEAT RUC…….
Between December 1983 and May 1987 , over 25 republican or nationalist funerals were systematically attacked by the RUC as a matter of deliberate British policy . The objective was to drive mourners off the streets so that later Britain could claim dwindling support for republicanism as ‘evidenced’ by the small numbers attending IRA funerals . As Jane Plunkett reports , the opposite happened . More and more people came out to defend the remains of republican dead , the RUC were exposed as being as brutal and sectarian as ever , and these two factors , combined with damaging international news coverage , eventually forced the British government to reverse its policy of attacking republican funerals .
From ‘IRIS’ magazine , October 1987.

On February 11th , 1987 , Free State Foreign Minister Peter Barry was claiming , yet again , that the Hillsborough Treaty had “….radically altered the position of Northern nationalists …” and claimed to have detected “…real progress…” in relations between the British crown forces and Northern nationalists . (’1169…’ Comment - these same claims are being made - again , falsely - by the same ‘establishment’ parties today re the 1998 Stormont Treaty , with one difference : former republicans, now in the service of Westminster , are singing from that same hymn sheet. For shame.)

His remarks could hardly have been directed at those thousands of Northern nationalists who had been to or witnessed any republican funeral in the previous three years !

On Friday , March 13th , 1987 , the (P)IRA’s Belfast Brigade exploded a bomb outside the gates of Roselawn Cemetery in East Belfast , explaining that it was “…a warning to the British Government and the RUC to cease their brutality at nationalist (sic) funerals .” That bomb exploded over one hour before the funeral of an RUC man killed in a (P)IRA ambush - a 50-minute warning had been given . The (P)IRA’s Roselawn bomb resulted in the tying-up of substantial enemy resources at subsequent funerals of British crown forces executed by the (P)IRA , but its most immediate effect was to expose the hypocrisy of the British : the then ‘law and order’ British minister , Nicholas Scott, blustered - ” Even in war people are allowed to bury their dead in peace and dignity.” !
(MORE LATER).

LIAM MELLOWS statue ,Eyre Square, Galway.

Over the last few days a ‘war of words’, of sorts , has been entered into by Irish Republicans , who rightly objected to the mis-use of the above Commemorative statue by “an alliance of community action groups and individuals” calling themselves the ‘Galway Alliance Against War’ : this group stated their intention to dress the Mellows statue in an “orange boiler suit”, an action which , as stated , Irish republicans objected to. A Mr Niall Farrell, representing that group , stated, in a post on ‘Indymedia’ which he filled with other equally-nonsensical ramblings of a nature one would expect from a bitter spoilt child - “I have a sneaking suspicion that RSF particularly didn’t like the colour of the boiler suit – orange. And I jest not.”
The man is , in my opinion, a political clown , hell-bent on making a reputation for himself at any cost, and at any cost to whichever organisation he latches on to. He runs the risk of ‘burning bridges’ that he , himself , put no effort into assembling and , if left unchecked by his own people , will eventually destroy the solidarity which exists between Irish republicans and , in this instance , the overall ‘Alliance Against War’ organisation . He is a liability to any non-establishment organisation and his cheap publicity stunt has , in my opinion , the potential to seriously damage relations between progressive groups who share a somewhat common goal. By then , of course , the Farrell’s of that group will have moved on , perhaps to wreck havoc in other organisations or , more likely , to nestle their useless arse in a cosy seat in Leinster House .
Myself and other republicans have marched with , and supported , ‘Alliance Against War’ groups in Dublin many times - indeed , we often assembled with them at the Garden Of Remembrance in Dublin’s Parnell Square . However , there was never any attempt by the Dublin group to ‘dress-up’ any of the statues in that fine venue . It seems that the Dublin group are not as easily mis-lead by Farrell and his likes . What next - a spray-paint job on the Republican Plot in Glasnevin ?

Also- a person calling him/herself ‘Dunlo’ (not Tom Dunloe,I hope?) , representing the ‘Ireland-Palestine Solidarity Campaign’ dismissed RSF’s objection to the ‘Boiler Suit Stunt’ as an objection showing “the ugly, aggressive, racist presence of RSF….these troglodytes, these Spinal Taps of republicanism… “ etc etc. I can only hope that this ‘Dunlo’ character will be pulled-up - at the very least - by his own people , for his politically ignorant comments . ‘Dunlo’ and Mr Farrell share at least one common trait that most organism’s of that nature possess : the further away the war and the injustices that flow from that war , the more likely they are to campaign for a just solution . However - the equally important injustice 90 miles up the road is dismissed as ‘a terrorist campaign’.
Wrap yourselves in an orange boiler suit , ‘Dunlo’ and Farrell . But check the garment twice - it might contain a green and white stripe and thus render itself unwearable to both of you.

Sharon.

We publish three photographs of the ‘Bloody Sunday’ picket held in Dublin on Saturday 26th January 2008 -
five more photos can be viewed on this thread and five more can be viewed here , on our ‘parent’ site , along with a brief report on the proceedings :

Des Dalton - ” British royals not welcome…”

At Dublin’s GPO ,remembering ‘Bloody Sunday’.

‘Bloody Sunday’ : black flag , Ireland , GPO .
Thanks ,
Sharon.

……then read this!

Sharon.

THE CATHOLIC HIERARCHY - PROPPING-UP THE ORANGE STATE……..
At a press briefing on May 3rd, 1983, Bishop Cathal Daly declared that a vote for Sinn Fein was ‘a wasted vote’ , and that people should think seriously before risking being seen as ’supporting violence’ . As polling day approached , the rising crescendo of calls from Bishop Daly and other members of the Catholic hierarchy became increasingly explicit in their support for the SDLP. Against the background of this intervention into the arena of nationalist party politics , Patricia Collins sketches the role played by the leadership of the Catholic Church over the past fourteen years against nationalist resistance .
From ‘IRIS’ magazine , July 1983.

In Dublin on February 17th 1983 , the ill-named ‘Irish Commission for Justice and Peace’ launched their new ‘Peace Education Programme’ . This was , amongst other things , an attempt by the Catholic hierarchy to act on the high unemployment rate but it was a rather awkward attempt : in parts of the six counties , the St Vincent de Paul Society tried to organise community workshops to ‘take people off the dole queue’ but , in one such scheme in the Dungannon area , people felt they were being exploited as they were ‘bringing down the live register’ but were losing what little money they were entitled to in supplementary benefits .

In March 1983 , in an obvious and belated attempt to undermine Sinn Fein’s widespread success , through its proliferating advice centres in Belfast , in providing help to nationalist people on the whole range of social issues , Bishop Cahal Daly called his clergy together and asked that at least one priest in each parish involve himself in social issues and , in early April 1983 , he went further - he announced the appointment , for the first time in 120 years , of two auxiliary bishops in the Down and Connor diocese, Canon Patrick Walsh and Fr Anthony Farquhar, to co-ordinate the Church’s involvement in social issues , primarily in West Belfast . Without admitting openly that the rising profile of Sinn Fein was the motive for the Church’s novel concern , Bishop Daly stated - ” We’re deeply concerned about the deprivation and unemployment , the whole complex of bad housing , deprived environment , the neglected and

rejected in society.” The political thinking of the Catholic hierarchy has never been expressed so often and so loudly as it has during the previous few months : on October 17th , 1982 , the Very Reverend Fr William Philbin, Bishop of Down and Connor , retired and was replaced by Bishop Cahal Daly . If the timing of this move - three days before the Assembly elections - was coincidental , the choice of man was deliberate : an up-front bishop for a front-line diocese . A bishop versed in the social sciences , who could cope with the falling church attendances , and sufficiently articulate to hold his own in the charged political atmosphere of the North of Ireland…….
(MORE LATER).

THE POLITICS OF REPRESSION …….
Repression is not just bullets and the kick on the door at dawn. Repression is an integrated imperialist policy to deal with a risen people which encompasses all facets of social and political life.
From ‘IRIS’ magazine , July/August 1982.

The policy of ‘Ulsterisation’ probably proceeded too rapidly , as the RUC was left in an exposed position (vis a vis the IRA ) and the British Army had to resume its ‘dominant position’ . The Republican prisoners , the IRA and the people themselves all combined to defeat the ‘normalisation’ policy and thwarted the hoped-for defeat of the resistance by the early 1980’s .

The insoluble contradiction in British policy is that it cannot succeed without repression yet repression only breeds increased resistance. The people have not been ‘bought off’ by ‘reforms’ which have been paltry enough anyway. The true colours of British intransigence were brought out fully in their cold indifference to the 1981 hunger-strike deaths.

Today , in the wake of the hunger-strike , resistance continues with a new degree of support which far outstrips that of the ‘civil rights’ period : a new generation of fighters is emerging , and it is evident to everyone * that the only ‘British solution’ is a British withdrawal……. (’1169..’ Comment * : not the case , unfortunately - there are those who now sit comfortably in Leinster House and/or Stormont that once claimed to be fighting for a British withdrawal and , indeed , profess to still seek that outcome. However , they are quite content to assist Westminster in administering its ‘rule’ in six Irish counties - and accept a salary and pension for doing so - whilst dismissing those who continue to try and ‘break the connection’ as “dissidents/terrorists with no mandate…” . Those ‘half-way housers’ - quislings- have always been around , but have always been by-passed by Republicans and left , heavy-hearted as they no doubt are, to console themselves by self-delusion that they done the best they could…)
(MORE LATER).

REPUBLICAN MOURNERS DEFEAT RUC…….
Between December 1983 and May 1987 , over 25 republican or nationalist funerals were systematically attacked by the RUC as a matter of deliberate British policy . The objective was to drive mourners off the streets so that later Britain could claim dwindling support for republicanism as ‘evidenced’ by the small numbers attending IRA funerals . As Jane Plunkett reports , the opposite happened . More and more people came out to defend the remains of republican dead , the RUC were exposed as being as brutal and sectarian as ever , and these two factors , combined with damaging international news coverage , eventually forced the British government to reverse its policy of attacking republican funerals .
From ‘IRIS’ magazine , October 1987.

Nuns and priests of the Corpus Christi parish complained of the RUC’s “…insensitive conduct..” and accused them of breaking assurances . Fr Jim Donaghy said in a statement to the press : ” As children were leaving church , and as the mourners were assembling for the removal of the remains to the cemetery , the RUC and the soldiers kept their guns trained on them . Later in the cemetery , five RUC men , mounted on Land Rovers , directed their weapons at the backs of those standing at the graveside.” Cahal Daly, who that very same morning officiated at a Jubilee Mass at the same chapel , again failed to speak out .

At the funerals of individuals killed during the recent INLA feud, British forces of occupation often outnumbered the mourners : those who attended the funerals of Thomas ‘Ta’ Power and John Gerard O’Reilly were attacked by the Brits , as were those who attended the funeral of Mary McGlinchey in Bellaghy in February 1987 . Her father had announced in advance that this would be a private burial , but the RUC again staged a show of strength , provocatively walking alongside pallbearers and bationing several mourners during scuffles .

Relatives and mourners were manhandled by the RUC at the funerals of Newryman Thomas Maguire in March 1987 and of Tony McCluskey that same month , in Armagh . Both were private funerals . On February 21st 1987 , the RUC effectively seized control of the burial of Michael Kearney in Belfast , demanding that the Irish Tricolour not be displayed and that there be no guard of honour : mourners were ordered to walk behind the coffin in three lines and they and the coffin itself were flanked on either side by lines of RUC and British soldiers . This , the RUC hoped , would be the shape of things to come…….
(MORE LATER).

IRISH EVICTED FROM THEIR OWN LANDS…

The early Irish were famous for their excellence in arts and crafts, especially for their wonderful work in metals, bronze, silver and gold. By the beginning of the 14th century trading ships were constantly sailing between Ireland and the leading ports of the Continent.

COMPETITION WITH ENGLAND.
This commerce was a threat to English merchants who tried to discourage such trade. They brought pressure on their government, which passed a law in 1494 that prohibited the Irish from exporting any industrial product, unless it was shipped through an English port, with an English permit after paying English fees. However, England was not able to enforce the law. By 1548 British merchants were using armed vessels to attack and plunder trading ships travelling between Ireland and the Continent (unofficial piracy).

ENGLISH MEN, ENGLISH SHIPS, ENGLISH CREWS, ENGLISH PORTS AND IRISH GOODS.
In 1571 Queen Elizabeth ordered that no cloth or materials made in Ireland could be exported, even to England, except by English men in Ireland. The act was amended in 1663 to prohibit the use of all foreign-going ships, except those that were built in England, mastered and three-fourths manned by English, and cleared from English ports. The return cargoes had to be unloaded in England. Ireland’s shipbuilding industry was thus destroyed and her trade with the Continent wiped out.

TRADE WITH ‘THE COLONIES’.
Ireland then began a lucrative trade with ‘the Colonies’. That was “cured” in 1670 by a new law which forbade Ireland to export to ‘the colonies’ “anything except horses, servants, and victuals.” England followed with a decree that no Colonial products could be landed in Ireland until they had first landed in England and paid all English rates and duties.
Ireland was forbidden to engage in trade with ‘the colonies’ and plantations of the New World if it involved sugar, tobacco, cotton, wool, rice, and numerous other items. The only item left for Ireland to import was rum. The English wanted to help English rum makers in the West Indies at the expense of Irish farmers and distillers.

IRISH WOOL TRADE CURTAILED, THEN DESTROYED.
When the Irish were forbidden to export their sheep, they began a thriving trade in wool. In 1634 The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Lord Stafford, wrote to King Charles I: “All wisdom advises us to keep this (Irish) kingdom as much subordinate and dependent on England as possible; and, holding them from manufacture of wool (which unless otherwise directed, I shall by all means discourage), and then enforcing them to fetch their cloth from England, how can they depart from us without nakedness and beggary?”
In 1660 even the export of wool from Ireland to England was forbidden. Other English laws prohibited all exports of Irish wool in any form. In 1673, Sir William Temple advised that the Irish would act wisely by giving up the manufacture of wool even for home use, because “it tended to interfere prejudicially with the English woolen trade.”
George II sent three warships and eight other armed vessels to cruise off the coast of Ireland to seize all vessels carrying woolens from Ireland. “So ended the fairest promise that Ireland had ever known of becoming a prosperous and a happy country.”

LINEN TRADE REPRESSED.
Irish linen manufacturing met with the same fate when the Irish were forbidden to export their product to all other countries except England. A thirty percent duty was levied in England, effectively prohibiting the trade. English manufacturers, on the other hand, were granted a bounty for all linen exports.

BEEF, PORK, BUTTER AND CHEESE.
In 1665 Irish cattle were no longer welcome in England, so the Irish began killing them and exporting the meat. King Charles II declared that the importation of cattle, sheep, swine and beef from Ireland was henceforth a common nuisance, and forbidden. Pork and bacon were soon prohibited, followed by butter and cheese.

SILK AND TOBACCO.
In the middle of the 18th century, Ireland began developing a silk weaving industry. Britain imposed a heavy duty on Irish silk, but British manufactured silk was admitted to Ireland duty-free. Ireland attempted to develop her tobacco industry, but that too was prohibited.

FISH.
In 1819 England withdrew the subsidy for Irish fisheries and increased the subsidies to British fishermen - with the result that Ireland’s possession of one of the longest coastlines in Europe, still left it with one of the most miserable fisheries.

GLASS.
Late in the 18th century the Irish became known for their manufacture of glass. George II forbade the Irish to export glass to any country whatsoever under penalty of forfeiting ship, cargo and ten shillings per pound weight.

THE RESULT-
By 1839, a French visitor to Ireland, Gustave de Beaumont, was able to write:
“In all countries, more or less, paupers may be discovered; but an entire nation of paupers is what was never seen until it was shown in Ireland. To explain the social condition of such a country, it would be only necessary to recount its miseries and its sufferings; the history of the poor is the history of Ireland.”

CONCLUSION:
From the 15th through the 19th centuries, successive English monarchies and governments enacted laws designed to suppress and destroy Irish manufacturing and trade. These repressive Acts, coupled with the Penal Laws, reduced the Irish people to “nakedness and beggary” in a very direct and purposeful way. The destitute Irish then stood at the very brink of the bottomless pit. When the potato blight struck in 1845, it was but time for the final push….

Please help us to push back - your support would be greatly appreciated.
Thanks,
Sharon.

BLOODY SUNDAY PICKET , SATURDAY , JANUARY 26, 2008 .
Venue : on the traffic isle facing the GPO in Dublin’s O’Connell Street , from 12 Noon to 2pm .

After a peaceful Civil Rights march on January 30 , 1972 - from Creggan to Free Derry Corner - units of the British army Parachute Regiment opened fire with automatic rifles and shot dead 13 unarmed civilians , injuring many more . It was later revealed that some days prior to the massacre , the British soldiers involved had been briefed to “…shoot to kill..” at the march .

” This Sunday became known as ‘Bloody Sunday’ and bloody it was . It was quite unnecessary . It strikes me that the (British) army ran amok that day and shot without thinking of what they were doing . They were shooting innocent people . They may have been taking part in a parade which was banned , but that did not justify the troops coming in and firing live rounds indiscriminately . I would say without reservations that it was sheer unadulterated murder . It was murder , gentlemen . ”
- the words of British Major Hubert O’Neill , Derry City Coroner, at the conclusion of the inquests on the 13 people killed by the British Army .
On Saturday January 26 next , a picket to mark the 36th Anniversary of that massacre will be held on the traffic isle at the GPO in Dublin , from 12 Noon to 2pm . All welcome !
Thanks!
Sharon.

THE CATHOLIC HIERARCHY - PROPPING-UP THE ORANGE STATE……..
At a press briefing on May 3rd, 1983, Bishop Cathal Daly declared that a vote for Sinn Fein was ‘a wasted vote’ , and that people should think seriously before risking being seen as ’supporting violence’ . As polling day approached , the rising crescendo of calls from Bishop Daly and other members of the Catholic hierarchy became increasingly explicit in their support for the SDLP. Against the background of this intervention into the arena of nationalist party politics , Patricia Collins sketches the role played by the leadership of the Catholic Church over the past fourteen years against nationalist resistance .
From ‘IRIS’ magazine , July 1983.

There were more arrests and house raids by the British Army and the RUC in nationalist areas in the three months that followed the end of the hunger-strike in October 1981 than there had been throughout the rest of that year . There was also a flurry of condemnations of the IRA by a variety of clergymen : on November 13th , 1981 , Fr Denis Faul called on people to inform - ” Everybody has a duty to tell the authorities if they know anything about the commission of murder…” (’1169…’ Comment : sounds familar - a member of the ‘establishment’ encouraging people to inform on republicans to the British…)

Another attempt by Fr Faul to undermine nationalist resistance consisted of issuing statements calling on people to pass on information to ‘responsible’ people such as priests and teachers - immediately , dozens of teachers got together to publish an advertisement in the press that they would have no part in this scheme . This frontal assault on Irish republicanism has to be seen in the context of the low ebb of morale in the nationalist community at the end of the hunger-strike , which lasted well into the summer of 1982 . The RUC’s use of paid informers, increased repression , and continuous condemnations of the armed struggle , against a backdrop of economic deprivation created a feeling of deep despondency .

Meanwhile the Catholic hierarchy was busy trying to win back the hearts and minds of its alienated flock in a two-pronged drive : towards the young and the unemployed , and against the ‘evil of violence’ . The Catholic schools , which in at least one British television programme during the hunger-strike had lyrically been described as “havens of peace” in the midst of a “strife-torn community” , were once again used to promote Pax Britannica. Throughout 1982 , the clergy and some of the teaching staff of Catholic schools , in conjunction with the staff of Protestant state schools , and the Irish Council of Churches, were busy discussing ways and means of turning youth away from ‘violence’ , and promoting ‘peace’ in the schools . ‘Reconciliation’ meetings with students of other denominations , prayers for killed RUC and UDR personnel , even the language used at school assemblies , were examined…….
(MORE LATER).

THE POLITICS OF REPRESSION …….
Repression is not just bullets and the kick on the door at dawn. Repression is an integrated imperialist policy to deal with a risen people which encompasses all facets of social and political life.
From ‘IRIS’ magazine , July/August 1982.

Despite British government ‘improvements’ , not all was milk and honey in the nationalist areas . This was precisely the period (around 1977) when repression was intensified , but it was part of a co-ordinated civil and military management of the six-county statelet - it was in fact an attempt at ‘co-ordinating the whole social system’ , as Robin Evelegh had said .

That the British ‘normalisation’ policy has since failed should not detract from its importance - it is a coherent policy which could be used again both here and abroad to counter an insurrectionary movement in an industrialised urban society where all-out naked repression is not politically viable. (’1169…’ Comment : how ironic that those that , in 1982, expressed that sentiment should , within four years of doing so , not only fall for that same British ploy but proceed to actually assist with the normalisation policy!) The media found this type of repression less news-worthy than the street battles and massive British army activity of earlier days , but it is no less dangerous and requires a rounded and cohesive political response from the resistance organisations.

There are several reasons for the failure of the British ‘normalisation’ policy : economic conditions did not allow for a full-blown ‘bread and circuses’ approach to pacify the people . The money was simply not there to provide a substantial improvement in social conditions . The propaganda aspect was also quite weak because the abnormality of the torture centres and the conditions in the H-Blocks and Armagh soon filtered through abroad . The policy , in short , never had much credibility with the nationalist people themselves who continued their support for the IRA and its aims and objectives . The ‘Criminalisation’ policy - which involved turning prisoners-of-war into common criminals - was defeated by the blanket protest and then the hunger-strike. In fact , the brutal degradation it involved not only failed , but actually caused a ferment of nationalist resistance which pulled the struggle out of its relative isolation of the mid-seventies…….
(MORE LATER).

REPUBLICAN MOURNERS DEFEAT RUC…….
Between December 1983 and May 1987 , over 25 republican or nationalist funerals were systematically attacked by the RUC as a matter of deliberate British policy . The objective was to drive mourners off the streets so that later Britain could claim dwindling support for republicanism as ‘evidenced’ by the small numbers attending IRA funerals . As Jane Plunkett reports , the opposite happened . More and more people came out to defend the remains of republican dead , the RUC were exposed as being as brutal and sectarian as ever , and these two factors , combined with damaging international news coverage , eventually forced the British government to reverse its policy of attacking republican funerals .
From ‘IRIS’ magazine , October 1987.

On that same day - September 16th , 1986 - also in Belfast , the RUC looked-on at a respectful distance as the UVF’s military commander in Belfast , John Bingham, was given a military-style funeral - the RUC made no attempt to remove the flag of the illegal UVF or the hat and gloves from the coffin of Bingham , whom the IRA identified as the leader of a sectarian murder gang which had killed at least five Belfast Catholics .

For many nationalists , the day’s events were proof that the inbuilt violence and sectarianism of the Six-County statelet were as strong as ever - the previous November’s ‘London-Dublin Agreement’ or no . With deep anger running in nationalist areas , priests of IRA Volunteer Jim McKernan’s parish publicly condemned the RUC’s “…disgraceful intrusion..” , expressing concern that it “…no doubt has pushed some young hotheads closer to involvement with the IRA..”

Bishop Cahal Daly asked prominent unionist politicians to ‘explain’ their presence at the funeral of UVF leader John Bingham , but still did not condemn RUC attacks on the funerals of republicans . British military hardware was put on display in Belfast again the following month - on October 24th 1986 - at the private funeral of republican veteran James ‘Spotter’ Murphy , who had died in London aged 61 . The New Barnsley area had been sealed off since the previous evening and mourners at the funeral were outnumbered by heavily armed British forces . Dozens of riot-clad RUC men and British soldiers , some with tracker dogs , patrolled the church grounds while Requiem Mass was being said . This again left the Catholic hierarchy with no choice but to publicly ‘voice their concern’ over the conduct of the British forces…….
(MORE LATER).

Tomorrow , Wednesday January 16 , we will continue from where we left off with our usual ‘3-in-1′ post : the last one can be read here.
ALSO - a ‘Bloody Sunday’ picket will be held in Dublin on Saturday January 26 , 2008 . Details here.
ALSO -

We’re looking for your vote in the Irish Blog Awards Competition : if you like what we do here on ‘1169 And Counting…’ , and if you have a few minutes to spare , you might consider voting for us here.
Nominations close at 9pm this coming Friday (January 18th) so please get a move on and help make it ‘third time lucky’ for this blog !
Thanks!
Sharon.